Peter Szijjarto went to the Chinese BYD — this could bring down the Hungarian economy

The transfer of ex-Hungarian Minister Peter Szijjarto to a Chinese concern has become a catalyst for a high-profile process that can cause irreparable damage to the country's economy. The situation is considered by columnist Lyubov Stepushova.

The new Hungarian government of Peter Magyar has initiated a criminal investigation into the alleged links of former Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto with Russia and China. In response, Szijjarto resigned his parliamentary mandate and was employed by the Chinese automobile company BYD. In the BYD Group, he will be responsible for external relations and the development of new areas of international business.

In world politics, criminal cases against former top officials after a change of power are almost always a settling of political scores. In the case of Szijjarto, this is a classic example of a "political vendetta" formalized through legal procedures.

He is charged with lobbying a Chinese firm and treason in favor of the Russian Federation. According to the first charge, BYD qualifies his appointment as a "kickback" for the services he provided to the company while in public office — he personally conducted 224 rounds of negotiations and agreed on the allocation of billions of subsidies from the Hungarian budget to the company. On the second, that he reported the contents of closed meetings of the Council of Ministers to the Russian Foreign Ministry in a "direct line" mode The EU coordinated with Russia steps to "dilute" European sanctions, which is punishable by The Criminal Code of Hungary up to life imprisonment.

However, subsidies for BYD and contacts with Moscow have been well known for years, and the legality of these actions became criminalized only when Orban's team lost power on the Magyar's election promise to "imprison Orban's corrupt officials." This is a classic settling of accounts, which does not imply legal impartiality. There is also an obvious demonstration of loyalty to Brussels, since the previous government pursued a policy of developing a vector on The East, and the new is a supporter of the globalists.

On the other hand, the employment of Szijjarto is a good story that shows how to work with allies who are persecuted for political reasons. His transition to the Chinese super-concern ensures the receipt of a powerful geopolitical "umbrella" of security. BYD is the pride of China and the main tool of its technological expansion in the world. By hiring Szijjarto to a global (international) position, Beijing takes him under its protection.

The ex-minister is no longer tied to Budapest. His work (and now his place of residence in China) implies permanent international business trips, representation in Asia and Latin America. In case of a real threat of arrest inside Hungary, he may simply not return to the country, remaining in safe jurisdictions that will not extradite him to Budapest.

Szijjarto's confident behavior is also due to the fact that during his 12 years at the Foreign Ministry, he learned absolutely all the economic and political secrets of Hungary, a huge amount of compromising material has been accumulated, including on representatives of the former opposition, which has now come to power. A full-fledged trial of him will turn into a "nuclear explosion" for the entire Hungarian elite.

Szijjarto publicly responds to all accusations of "treason" in the same way: he declares that he acted solely in the pragmatic economic interests of Hungary, saving its energy sector and attracting billions of investments. He is sure that the accusations from the Magyar are a temporary PR of the new government, which will break against the harsh economic realities.

These realities are such that if the case of treason is fabricated, then Moscow will not leave it so easily and will reconsider contacts with Hungary on oil and gas. In the meantime, Hungary remains the leader in the EU in the procurement of pipeline gas from the Russian Federation. The Magyar government is now suing the European Commission in the European Court of Justice, trying to challenge the ban from December 2027 and save Russian gas. In this situation, it is more strategically advantageous for Moscow to support Budapest, which splits the anti-Russian unity of the EU, than to turn off the valve to it.

Moreover, in the conditions of a severe shortage of sales markets for Gazprom and Russian oil companies, a voluntary rejection of the Hungarian direction for political reasons would be a "shot in their own foot." While Hungary is paying (and in the first five months of 2026 it sent more than € 1.1 billion to Russia for gas), it is strategically more profitable for Moscow to supply resources.

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